Author Archive

Writing with an Eraser: Online Platform Position on Digital Services Act

Friday, January 24th, 2020

The point has hit home: something is wrong with the way the internet works and the online platforms are part of the problem and maybe maybe part of the answer too.

This is no longer a topic of debate, the platforms’ EU lobby EDiMA recently published a paper that conceded this point. First look it also suggested some steps to how platforms can be part of the answer, but on closer inspection it sort of fades out. I’ll come back to that in a bit.

First, would it not be great if there was some manner of legal certainty online? For everybody: internet users, infrastructure providers, services and all others. Except it’s real difficult to catch the real culprits: the troll farms, spambots, darknet drug dealers, pirates, viruses and that lot. That’s why governments look to the intermediaries for help: telecoms, platforms providers, payment services. They are not the bad guys, but they provide the tools and have the means to stop them. Similar to how governments task banks to take action against financial crime.

EU does not “limit the liability of online service providers whose services are abused by others”. It only limits the liability of passive online service providers whose services are abused by others.

However, there is one problem: not all intermediaries are the same and if they have too much responsibility, it may conflict with other things we like: privacy, freedom of information, competition and such. Where to draw the line then? Here’s an idea: make a distinction of passive and active intermediaries. Passive are those who only provide infrastructure, similar to roads and bridges (they don’t know anything about the vehicles that travel on them). Active are those who interact with the traffic: analyze it for monetization or harvest the data and sell it to third parties. Make sense? Sound good? Ok, great because that is exactly what the EU thinks. This is the way the famous E-Commerce Directive is designed (read Recital 42!) and how the Court of Justice in the European Union interpreted it in the so-called L’Oréal v Ebay-case. Passive intermediaries, those who only provide the “dumb pipe” of the internet, are protected from liability for what their users do. Active intermediaries on the other hand, they must take action against foul play on their systems. Nice and clean, if you’re an internet company, you have a choice of being passive or active, depending on how you want to run your business. Except online platforms appear not to like this deal, they want active to be passive. Bear with me.

If you followed the debates around internet and copyright and such in the last decade and a half, you have likely noticed that pirates love to stick labels onto their opponents’ arguments. “Straw Man”, “Moving the Goalposts”, “Double-Think” etc. Some of these labels even have Wikipedia entries! Looks like EDiMA read the same playbook and decided to go big, because their paper on the upcoming EU Digital Services Act ticks every box. It’s called the “Online Responsibility Paper”, a headline which may trigger the Spider-Sense for some people. Let’s take a look:

Strawman

A strawman is the technique of claiming the opponent has a position he does not and then attack that position instead of the real argument. The EDiMA paper claims the current rules for intermediaries create a “perverse incentive” where platforms are “discouraged” from taking action against illegal content on their systems. Ignorance is bliss: as long as platforms can claim they have no knowledge of illegal content, they cannot be held liable. But that of course also requires ignoring things like recommendation algorithms, targeted adverts, search results linking to illegal content and other types of interactions that happen every day, minute, microsecond.

Poison Pill

This is the act of hiding something controversial inside something that looks perfectly normal or constructive. In this paper, it is the expansion of the exemptions from liability. The paper claims to suggest more responsibility for online platforms, but it also says “Built-in safeguards would be required to ensure that measures taken under this framework of responsibility would not compromise service providers limited liability”. What the paper really suggests is less responsibility!

The online platforms’ pipedream is to export a US legislation called Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act to other jurisdictions. It has already been attached to some trade agreements and this paper smells much like an attempt to inject the same thinking into EU policy (that pattern is familiar from the TTIP trade negotiations where the US tech sector tried to pull the same trick). The catchphrase to watch out for here is “Good Samaritan”. More on that below. The irony of course is that the Communications Decency Act was supposed to help intermediaries fight bad content. More on that here.

Smoke and Mirrors

This is when big words or generous gestures are applied to obscure the real information. In this case the proposed oversight body fits this bracket. A real oversight body such as for news media, advertising, age-ratings or other self-/co-regulatory systems is independent of the industry it oversees, a body of experts making the decisions, transparency of process and rules, appeals procedure for all concerned and not least “teeth” in the form of sanctions.

The EDiMA paper “accepts” that some form oversight might be required, but “it should not have the power to assess the legality of individual pieces of content and it should not be empowered to issue take-down notices”. So… no teeth.

(The paper says that the decision of what is illegal and not should be the remit of the courts, but the point of self- or co-regulation is that it exists on top of the court system, interpreting the legal rulings. There are many benefits of this, for instance self-/co-regulation systems can handle many more cases than the courts and quickly adjust to changes in the field they regulate. More on the benefits of self-/co-regulation here.)

Double-Think #1

War is peace. Freedom is slavery. Ignorance is strength. A motto from Orwell’s 1984. Take a word and make it mean the complete opposite. Best example here is the principle of the “Good Samaritan”. The point of the principle is to protect those who do take action from liability, for example someone who tries to save lives in a traffic accident should not be sued for medical malpractice. The Samaritan is a third-party trying to good, not an accomplice to the robbers. Online platforms, however, want to use the Good Samaritan-principle to protect them when they don’t take action against harmful content, again pretending to not know what’s on their systems. Double-Think.

Double-Think #2

War is peace. Change to is continue. EDiMA says “The law should continue to assign primary liability to those users that act illegally or harm others and limit the liability of online service providers whose services are abused by others”.

Except the EU does not “limit the liability of online service providers whose services are abused by others”. It only limits the liability of passive online service providers whose services are abused by others. “Continue” means “change to”. Double-think.

Turning a Blind Eye

Pretending not to know is an all-time favourite, as in “it’s an algorithm, we don’t know what it does”.

EDiMA’s paper blames the current rules, rather than its tech company members, for the failure to take action against online harms: “We need rules that allow us to take more responsibility online,” pleads EDiMA Secretary General Siada El Ramly. Really? Are we to believe current rules don’t allow tech companies to act against illegal content?  What happened to all those boasts by Mark Zuckerberg about Facebook’s unprecedented actions to fight this or that? (Such as banning “sexy” emojis lol.) The European Commission in its wisdom pointed out back in September 2017 that platforms can and should do more under existing law, without risk of losing their intermediary privilege. Conveniently ignored.

Moving the Goalposts #1

If you are losing an argument, try to change the objective. If, let’s say, you argue about video assisted referees in football and get out of trouble by saying “well it will never be 100% fair anyway”, you have moved the goalposts because nobody said the goal was 100% fairness. (For the record: this writer is no fan of VAR, but that’s a different story!)

The EDiMA paper says “There are valid concerns about the abuse of online service providers to disseminate both illegal and harmful content online”. Really? I thought the problem was that online service providers interact with and promote that content. Goalpost move fail.

Moving the Goalposts #2

The paper makes many references to the courts, as if illegal is only when a court has found something to be illegal.

If it’s illegal by law, it is illegal.

But, as Swedish Centre Party leader Annie Lööf once (maybe) put it: “In Sweden, it is forbidden by law to be a criminal”.

If it’s illegal by law, it is illegal. Courts interpret the law by trying particular cases, but of course not every crime makes it to the court. That don’t make those crimes legal, folks!

Blurring Lines

If the definitions are not to your liking, try obfuscating them. Looking at the distinction of passive and active as discussed above, this fits the bill for the paper at hand. Another good example is the notion of “filter content” as anathema. Except online platforms filter lots of content, Gmail does very well with spam for example. Filters are great, at least when the platforms get to decide for themselves.

Arbitrary Distinction

The opposite of blurring the lines. This is where EDiMA wants to make a distinction between illegal and harmful, where the latter is supposed to be harmless or at least not bad enough to require any action. Except some of the most toxic online phenomena such as hate-speech, fake news, online bullying, troll farms and many others may not be illegal but harmful nevertheless. Ignoring all those would be… flagrant.

If EDiMA’s paper is difficult to decipher, here is a much more straightforward wish-list. Read that instead.

Big Tech wants to stay clear of regulation, but is more than happy to regulate us, who depend on the services they provide.

The main take-away from this paper is no surprise: Big Tech wants to stay clear of regulation, but is more than happy to regulate us, who depend on the services they provide. The self-image is that platforms are victims of abuse from malicious users and need to be protected from liability. Ever more intermediary privileges is the answer. With that departure point, making law to make them act more responsibly becomes like… writing with an eraser.

Rather than to change the law to fit their business, how about the other way around. Did somebody say “you need to find new business models”?

Remember that Time when the Swedish Government Funded Darknet?

Friday, December 20th, 2019

Remember that time when the Swedish government funded Darknet? Yeah, with the US Navy.

Darknet, the part of internet which is more lawless than the rest. Where you can get your contract killers, drugs, untraceable credit cards, human organs, guns… you name it. Sounds like a good party. Like something that would be found on an outpost asteroid in a sci-fi movie. Also sounds like the opposite of government business.

Here is a fun art project: Random Darknet Shopper. They gave a bot bitcoins and sent it shopping on Darknet. It bought stuff like passports, ecstasy, viagra-clones, knock-off designer wear and a baseball cap with a spy camera. That’s the stuff you can get on Darknet. Fitting name!

Law enforcement is understandably frustrated. Darknet runs on a virtually untraceable technology called TOR. That is short for The Onion Router, it works by relaying traffic through a number of different nodes, just like the layers of an onion. If you manage to trace one IP-number, you will find it is only a proxy for the next, and so on. In theory, law enforcement or somebody could work its way through all the relays, but in reality it’s too hard.

“So what?” you may think. “This is just typical of the internet, some hackers in love with the anarchist mythology.” Sure, but it started as research by the US military, more precisely an arm called the Naval Research Lab. And the Swedish government co-funded TOR through its international aid agency(!) SIDA, with the purpose of supporting freedom activists in authoritarian countries. Sounds nice. Not sure what they say about the blank credit cards and stolen cars, though.

Can I be a fly on the wall at the Xmas party where the prosecutors and the international aid people get together, please?

With this, Netopia says Merry Xmas. You know where to shop for gifts, courtesy of the Swedish tax payers.

More Pirates than Ever – But that’s Not the Real Problem

Tuesday, May 28th, 2019

Hats off to the Pirate Party, from one seat in European Parliament to five (one German, four Czech) in these elections. That’s a 400% increase, folks.

Not that the Pirate ideology will help much with the challenges we face around the internet. There are basically two ways to think about the internet: a) it’s new and nothing we know is relevant anymore OR b) it’s an extension of our society. If you agree with A, you may agree with phrases such as “you can’t stop new technology” (if that is the case, then why the need for a political party?, one might ask). If you agree with B, you might think that normal rules should apply and that “innovation” and “freedom online” ought to be balanced against other priorities.
It would be tempting to think that B is picking up, considering the accumulation of topics such as terrorist propaganda, sexism, hate speech, Rohingya genocide, cybercrime, abuse of dominant position, manipulated search results… I could go on all day. However, those who argue that the “internet must be kept open and free” (whatever that means) seem to also have wind in their sails.

HOW WE GOT HERE
The Pirate party started in Sweden in 2006 as a reaction to legal action against file-sharing hub The Pirate Bay.
The Pirate Bay was born as an experiment from the think-tank The Pirate Bureau (named in jest of copyright enforcement organization The Anti-Pirate Bureau), hence a product of ideology rather than technology. The original impetus was to protect access to free entertainment – the founder Richard Falkvinge has told in interviews how he was inspired by a cartoon describing public outrage against file-sharing restrictions as the only issue people would really care about. But the stroke of genius was to combine this populist agenda with a more elitist message about pushing back the surveillance state. Some would object that the surveillance comes more from internet companies and governments than copyright, but that has never stopped the pirates from using it as a case against copyright. The Pirate Party won 7,13% of the Swedish votes in the 2009 elections (and 0,63% this time around).

It is fair to say that my own frustration with the Pirate ideology and the lack of criticism thereof was one of the main reasons I started Netopia in Sweden 2010 (it moved to Europe and switched to English in 2013). Since then the digital issues have grown on the policy agenda in many ways.

KEEP THE INTERNET OPEN & FREE
But how much can five Pirate MEP:s accomplish? Quite a lot, if they are as skilled as outgoing MEP Julia Reda, who traded her votes on other issues for influence on copyright and became the shadow rapporteur on the copyright reform. But that’s not the real problem. That does not lie with the Pirates, but with other policy-makers who fail to develop proper ideology around digital issues. Who refuse to make their minds up around the type A and B digital ideologies.

Next time a policy-maker says “but it is also important to keep the internet open and free”, why don’t we ask them what they mean by “open” and “free”.

Is the best internet one without democracy? Or could it be that openness and freedom needs rules and institutions to protect them? Perhaps the answer will come in the next five years.

This is Netopia’s newsletter May 27

Why Does Google Pay Protesters?

Monday, March 18th, 2019

The weird thing about the scoop from Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung that Google pays protesters to help stop the copyright reform? It’s not that it’s a new level of astroturfing (Google has done similar things in the past). It’s not that the reporter Constantin van Lijnden was able to find the smoking gun (though if Google wants to play spy movie, it should step up its game). And it’s not that it uses a system of fronts to cover it up (though not well enough).

No, the weird thing is why Google bothers in the first place. As with GDPR, Google can have every hope of working around the rules. Or “coping with” in Silicon Valley management lingo. If the despised Article 13 makes it into law, Google can happily sign license agreements with the music collecting societies and (almost) all the music on Youtube will be legal. That is of course much cheaper than making deals with labels as services such as Spotify and Apple Music do (they don’t rely on user uploads). The profitable “value gap” remains, the pressure is rather on the licensed services to lower prices to stay in the race.

Also, Youtube will have nothing to fear in terms of responsibility for illegal uploads of such content as sports, movies or television shows. Its Content ID-system may have more holes than a Swiss cheese, but is put forward by the policy-makers as the example, the norm other content protection systems must live up to. So Youtube doesn’t have to change a thing, rather the new rules would be a vaccine against potentially damaging lawsuits under existing legislation.

So why is Google buying protesters in Europe rather than champagne in Mountain View? Is it because it thinks the deal can be made even better? Must be, of course it can have nothing to do with keeping appearances up, pretending the “open internet” (whatever that means) is in danger, or making sure copyright is always the problem with everything digital. That can’t be so. Google would never lie.

Digital Single Plan Economy

Thursday, February 14th, 2019

In its attempt to make a digital single market for copyright content, the European institutions sacrificed the last word. Digital single, yes, but far from market economy.

A market is of course always regulated to some degree, but normally consists of independent actors making voluntary deals. Market economy has many fans across political ideologies. The single market is often considered the EU:s greatest achievement. The problem with the online market for is digital content it is so hard to control and thus so easy to monetize without permission. There are many well-known examples, in the early days file-sharing pirates claiming information-wants-to-be-free and more recently big tech companies ignoring (and pushing against) copyright rules. Intellectual property rights were always crucial to connect creative efforts with the economy (even the old Greeks: restaurants could have exclusive dishes for example). Digital communication accelerated the process, making infringement easier and protection harder.

European policy-makers therefore had many good reasons to look at copyright as part of the Digital Single Market-vision: European creative sector employs a lot of people, cultural diversity is a strong value in Europe, the economy moves from physical to immaterial investment, global competition and of course also out of principle. Enter the Copyright Directive, which was agreed by the trilogue yesterday after much friction. Except where it could have introduced free market mechanisms, the compromise rather looks to government, courts and societies to decide what is fair. Rather than demanding internet services make deals with the owners of the content on their networks, a forced licensing system is introduced. Instead of protecting creators, business partners and investors from unfair competition, a new loophole is gifted to internet platforms (“best effort”) – a sort of super safe harbor for large user-uploaded content platforms, allowing them to escape the responsibilities that current law places on all others. Mandatory clauses are introduced that can change the agreements made by creators and investors after the fact. What was meant to help European consumers and creative industries, more likely cements the big internet platforms status as market-owners.

No competition, no freedom of contract, no protection against unfair use. Anyone who thinks that sounds like a market, please stand up.

Not All Content Is the Same (duh!)

Tuesday, February 12th, 2019

Listening to the debate around copyright in the EU, one can get the impression that all content is the same. Some things must be simplified of course, but scratch the surface and the differences are obvious. Digitalisation is not some sort wave that sweeps in over land, making everything equally wet (though some talk about it like a force of nature). Better to think of digital possibilities, different depending on where you stand and with no inherent direction.

Take music. Songs are well-defined, three minutes or so of audio. Easily packaged and compressed, simple to distribute in digital networks. Easily recognized, even when abused into becoming ringtones. The product of human creative effort, somebody putting their heart and soul into it, many hours in the studio, lots of work on photos, sleeves, costumes etc, but still inexpensive to produce compared to video games or feature films. The listening takes many forms – from complete focus when reading the lyrics along to a new song from one’s favourite artist, to something playing in the background as you work or do the dishes. The overwhelming experience of being in a crowd at a concert. Or ignoring elevator music. Music are all those things. The music business is a sophisticated structure of artists, producers, song-writers, labels, publishers, booking agents, promoters, managers, lawyers, collecting societies, streaming services and many more, each with the task to do in the giant music anthill. Music can be immediate, or it can grow on you. We listen to our favourite songs over and over again. Play them to our friends. We can meet other cultures through music, enjoying the voice without understanding the words. All this is obvious, but at the same time easy to disregard.

Compare this with film. I mean feature films that play in cinemas or on your phone/laptop/tv-screen, not counting internet videos, television, shorts, documentaries and the countless other forms of moving images. Feature films involve even more specialists than music and the production is much more complex and costly. Think about the credits of any movie, long lists of names rolling for five or ten minutes after the end. Travel to locations in far away places to shoot in the right setting. Editing for months. Visual effects and animations. You get the idea, production budgets are high in most cases. There are no concerts for film. Yes, there are festivals and you can share the experience with others in a crowded movie theater. But there is no live performance. The artist is not as prominent, instead the actors and director share the spotlight. Film can be a powerful way to meet a different culture, but translation is needed. Film is an illusion, a spectacle, a contract between the viewer and the film-maker to suspend disbelief and accept that ET wants to phone home. Our favourite movies stay with us, but we rarely watch them over and over again – at least not hundreds of times.

Both music and film touch us and speak to us as humans (except sometimes they’re crap). But they do so in very different ways. The may have similar legal rules providing the framework for authorship, investment and licenses, but that’s only the foundation. The structure on top is complex and always evolving. Anyone who makes rules or technology for music or film must keep this in mind!

Yes, these points are obvious, but there is anyway a lot of confusion around this, intentional or not. Also, this helps explain why music and film come to different positions on policy sometimes, for example in the current debate around the EU copyright directive. (Parts of) the music industry prefer Youtube to pay license fees for the music on its network. It has the structures – collective rights management – to deal with that. Film on the other hand, is not blanket-licensed like music (where all radio-stations can play all songs) but instead licensed to particular licensees with individual terms. It wants Youtube to enforce its rules and make sure films do not appear on its network without permission. Hope that helps to make sense of it!

And this was only music and film. Next, look at books, newspapers, sports, television or video games…

Was Youtube Built as a Copyright Infringement Machine?

Thursday, January 31st, 2019

Story-Telling and Dot-Com-Bubble Memories

The much-debated EU copyright reform aims, among other things, to address the “value gap” – the fact that the same service and the same content and the same audience gives very different revenue for creators and rights-holders whether it’s a licensed service such as Spotify or Apple Music or alleged user platform Youtube. This is possible because of different legal definitions (more on that here). This situation begs a different question: was Youtube set up like this intentionally?

1,9 Billion logged-in users per month and more than one Billion hours of video viewed every day, according to Youtube itself. Who knows how much of this material was uploaded with the owner’s blessing?

The official story-telling of Youtube’s genesis will have you believe it was inspired by the unavailability of videos of Janet Jackson’s “nip-slip” at the 2004 Superbowl. This showed the need for a user-generated online video repository. Maybe that is exactly how it happened, but founders Chad Hurley, Steve Chen and Jawed Karim were not the first to get this idea. I had the doubtful pleasure of being close to the core of the late-90s pre-dotcom bubble internet entrepreneur-scene in Stockholm, Sweden – one of the busiest hubs of what today is know as the tech startup world. In that environment, I came in touch with at least five different online video sharing business plans – all different variations on the Youtube-theme of five-six years later. Why did none of those beat Youtube to the game? Because they never started. They all sought legal advice and all lawyers told them it would never fly for copyright reasons. Maybe Hurley-Chen-Karim did not seek such advice. Or maybe they did and proceeded anyway. In any case, it should come as no surprise that Youtube soon became a popular distribution channel for unlicensed content.

Lawsuit predictably followed. In 2008, broadcaster Viacom together with Paramount Pictures and some other television players sued Youtube for copyright infringement. After five years of court hearings and appeals, the parties settled. However, some of the statements from Youtube employees give some hints to the question raised in this blogpost:

/…/statements made by YouTube employees that “[we should grow] as aggressively as we can through whatever tactics, however evil.… [the site is] out of control with copyrighted material … [if we remove] the obviously copyright infringing stuff … site traffic [would] drop to maybe 20% … steal it!”[24]

Since then, Youtube has introduced its Content-ID system which some hold up as an example of “best effort” by platform providers, while others think it’s rather a strategy of doing as little as possible as late as possible to protect the revenue stream from illegal content.

We will probably never know for whether Youtube is such a perfect copyright infringement machine by design or coincidence. However, one thing is certain: they couldn’t have done a better job if they tried.

The Article Nobody Loves (as it is)

Monday, January 21st, 2019

It started so optimistically. What if the European legislators could fix some of the problems of the online world? Copyright was first in line when tech and telecom companies began to disrupt value in different sectors. That list has grown very long over the years, but it makes sense to start with copyright if you want to fix the internet. There was no lack of issues: pirate services run by organized crime. Platforms harvesting data and revenue without taking any risk, refusing to put effective protection in place. Different terms for the same services. Erosion of value and income. Money moving from smaller businesses to tech monoliths. And not least creators’ rights abused left, right and center. The case for intervention was strong. Enter Article 13 of the Copyright Directive.

Looking back, maybe the threat was obvious – big tech hoodwinks and maneuver, soft power some call it. The process of negotiation in the EU institutions and at home in the member states. The pressure from technology and internet groups, selling the myth of the “free internet” (whatever that means). The astroturfing. What was meant to fix the problems, now rather looks to create new ones. Article 13, as it reads in the most recent leak, introduces new safe harbors for intermediaries, talks about “best efforts” and brings new exemptions. It does not help to fix the problems it set out to do, but creates new ones. An opportunity lost. In it’s hijacked current form, watered down form meaningful protection for creators, means almost no one loves Article 13 anymore. Tech and telecoms do everything in their power to stop it, obviously, not stopping short of blacking out Wikipedia in protest. (Yes, I know, Wikipedia is independent, at least in name.) Now, also the creative industries say it’s better to bury it than get 8-balled by shoddy outcomes.

When the negotiations started, there was no ruling from the EU’s Court of Justice on how copyright should be squared with the intermediary privilege in the E-commerce directive (protecting “information society services” from liability for what users do, read more here). But during the process, a case has reached the top court. Can justice succeed where policy failed? Let’s hope so, but whatever happens, policy-makers will have to do more work on making the internet work for everybody. Copyright was first, but only one aspect of a much bigger problem. The internet is too important to let Big Tech and utopians call the shots.

UPDATE: The trilogue negotiations on the copyright directive that were scheduled for today have been postponed https://www.euractiv.com/section/digital/news/copyright-directive-faces-further-setback-as-final-trilogue-cancelled/

Not Another Get-Out-of-Jail-Free­-Card for Big Tech

Monday, December 10th, 2018

If you think Big Tech is not acting responsibly, you have a point. All the digital headaches that have been debated recently: surveillance, terror propaganda, hate speech, election manipulation, cybercrime, phishing, fake meds, copyright theft, fake news… they have one thing in common: lack of responsibility on the part the intermediaries (=the tech companies). This is not a coincidence. This is by design, in fact by policy-makers. The tech companies are not acting responsibly because the law tells them they are explicitly not responsible for what their users do. It’s the secret sauce. It’s called safe harbor, intermediary privilege, liability immunity and other things like that. It was made in to law about 20 years ago, in the US it’s the DMCA (Digital Millennium Copyright Act) and Section 230 of the “Communications Decency Act”, in EU it’s the E-Commerce Directive’s Article 14. Other places have similar rules with different names. They say that internet services are not responsible. What could possibly go wrong?

When these laws were put in place around the Millennium, the main idea was to protect private communication, so that telecom providers would not have to monitor their users’ traffic. That makes some sense. What nobody could predict was that it would be used by media services with Billions of users to avoid paying for content. Or to operate a taxi fleet without having to follow regulation like meters, taxi licenses, educated drivers etc. Or build a platform that monetizes peoples holiday photos and private communication. The irony of ironies: what was meant to protect users now protects the services. What was meant to protect the integrity of private communication is now used to data-mine private communication for advert material. What was meant to safeguard the integrity of people talking to people, now protects machines talking to machines. What was designed for private communication is now used to for public communication. When pirates, tech groups and internet activists say “it will break the internet”, they talk about this immunity. If internet services were to take some responsibility, it’s more like that would save the internet.

It doesn’t have to be this way. If the rules were different, the outcome would change. Consider banks: nobody says banks are responsible if somebody launders money through them. But banks have a lot of rules that makes the do a lot of things to stop money-laundering. Not because they are the problem, but because they are the solution. Except, while banks were not designed as money-laundering machines, some online platforms are, at least in part, designed to monetise copyright infringement (as shown in the case of Viacom vs Youtube). European film producers business protest against how Youtube uses safe harbor.

This is what policy-makers are trying to fix now. This is why they propose regulation to take down terror content within one hour. This is why the EU copyright reform puts responsibility on platform providers to get licenses for content or have effective methods to remove infringing material. And so on. The trilogue on the copyright reform is going on right now. Some parts include providing NEW safe harbors for intermediaries. Yes, it’s true. While one part of the policy-making is trying to deal with the fallout of safe harbor, another is making new ones. What could possibly go wrong?

The Audiovisual and Sports sectors* caution against new safe harbors. This was optimistically interpreted by Pirate MEP Julia Reda as support for her position. Except she wants less responsibility, whereas the sectors want more.

EU policy-makers! Don’t give Big Tech another get-out-of-jail-free-card. We know how it ends.

*) Full disclosure: some of them are Netopia’s supporters

Copyright Blown Out of Proportion (or: the Great Youtube Pivot)

Thursday, November 22nd, 2018

How should Big Tech deal with fake news, hacked elections, propaganda and hate speech? This is one of the biggest issues in tech policy for the moment. The general assumption is that a service created for, let’s say, checking out girls, can be abused to promote genocide. Or maybe you want to share party videos online and end up amplifying white supremacists. The issue then is what Big Tech should do about it, how to mitigate these unintended effects. Accidents brought about by maybe naïvety or rush to innovate. This is a debate of great importance, in fact one of the biggest challenges for the democratic system. But behind that hides a deeper problem: what about when Big Tech intentionally uses it platforms to push its own agenda? Fake news by design…

Case in point: EU copyright reform. Wikipedia blacked out in Poland and Italy in protest. Silicon Valley carried out the greatest astroturfing campaign known to man. And now this: Youtube mobilises its viewers against the proposal. Keep in mind: this is not about climate change, world hunger, the rise of authoritarianism or the refugee crisis. It’s about a change in copyright law. Yes, the world has lost its sense of proportion.

The playbook is familiar. Big Tech used it to stop ACTA in the EU. SOPA/PIPA in the US. It almost succeeded with the copyright vote in European Parliament this summer. Use the services to mobilise the users, provide them with easy tools to reach out to policy-makers. Not all of it is astro-turfing, many of the e-mails and calls are from real people. Except most of them only hear one side of the argument. The other side does not control niche monopolies allowing them to send their message unfiltered to Billions of users. And those media organisations who come anywhere close would not use their channel to promote their own agenda because of press ethics (or rather; thanks to press ethics). If you are not afraid of information monopolies yet, think about what the public sphere will be like if Big Tech continues to starve out competing media and further increases its dominance over our attention. If this is what it looks like for copyright, imagine what it would be if some policy-maker dared do something that could really change things. Such as anti-trust, privacy or data ownership. Who said something about joining the resistance?

Does Youtube have a point? Not really, the concerns about memes, parody, mash-ups etc have been addressed in the political negotiations. The Youtube “creators” need not worry, they own the content they create and are free to do what they like with it. There is no need for Youtube to take down all user generated content, it only needs to get licenses or use better methods to stop users from spreading other people’s content (oh, they can if they want to, easily – ever ask yourself why there is no porn on Youtube?). Make no mistake, this is not about memes or streamers: this is about commercial-scale distribution of music and movies without the consent of those who made it.

Youtube claims to support the goals of Article 13. But does it really? The policy aims to close the “value gap” which means licensed music services – like Spotify – pay maybe ten times more than Youtube for the same content delivered to the same audience. The difference is with Youtube it’s uploaded by the users rather than the service itself. Does Youtube really support that goal? Does it really want to pay fair compensation for the content it monetizes? You tell me.

Youtube proudly claims to have paid 5 Billion Euro to the music industry “over the years” (Youtube started in 2005). Except that’s only about one third of the turn-over in a single year for recorded music. Youtube is the second most popular website in the world (Google.com is #1). 5 Billion in 13 years? Peanuts.

The Copyright reform won’t hurt the internet. It might however hurt Youtube’s business. Maybe Youtube’s business model cannot support paying fair dues for content. Tough luck. Time to change the business model. There is no shame in that. Startups do it all the time. It’s called a pivot.